Caste Reform & Anti-Caste Movements
Caste Reform Movements
Caste reform movements in India challenged the hierarchical caste system, untouchability, and Brahmanical hegemony from the 19th century onwards. Led by reformers from both upper and lower castes — including Jyotirao Phule, Savitribai Phule, Periyar E.V. Ramasamy, Sri Narayana Guru, and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar — these movements fought for social equality, education, and political representation for the oppressed castes, profoundly shaping modern Indian democracy.
Key Dates
Jyotirao Phule and Savitribai Phule open the first school for untouchable girls at Pune — pioneering caste and gender reform simultaneously
Jyotirao Phule founds the Satyashodhak Samaj (Truth-Seeking Society) — challenges Brahmanical dominance, promotes Shudra-Ati-Shudra education and self-respect
Sri Narayana Guru consecrates the Shiva temple at Aruvippuram (Kerala) — a revolutionary act as he was an Ezhava (lower caste); his motto: 'One Caste, One Religion, One God'
Periyar leads the Vaikom Satyagraha (started 1924) for temple entry in Travancore; later founds the Self-Respect Movement (1925) in Tamil Nadu
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar leads the Mahad Satyagraha (Chavdar Tale) — lower castes assert their right to draw water from the public tank; Ambedkar burns Manusmriti
Poona Pact between Gandhi and Ambedkar — replaces separate electorates (from Communal Award) with reserved seats within joint electorates for Depressed Classes
Ambedkar publishes 'Annihilation of Caste' — radical critique of the caste system; calls for the destruction of caste as a system, not just reform of its abuses
Ambedkar converts to Buddhism at Deekshabhoomi, Nagpur (October 14, 1956) with approximately 500,000 followers; dies on December 6, 1956
Indian Constitution (authored by Ambedkar as Chairman of the Drafting Committee) abolishes untouchability (Article 17) and provides for reservations (Articles 15, 16, 46)
Ayyankali's Villuvandi (Bullock Cart) agitation in Travancore — Pulayas assert their right to use public roads; landmark in Kerala's anti-caste struggle
Vaikom Satyagraha begins (1924-25) in Travancore for temple road access for lower castes; supported by Periyar, Gandhi, and Sri Narayana Guru
Temple Entry Proclamation of Travancore — Maharaja of Travancore opens all Hindu temples to all castes; culmination of Kerala Renaissance movements
Ambedkar starts the Mooknayak newspaper — first of his publications to articulate Dalit concerns and political rights
First Round Table Conference — Ambedkar represents the Depressed Classes; argues for separate electorates and political safeguards
V.P. Singh implements Mandal Commission recommendations — 27% reservation for OBCs; triggers massive anti-reservation protests across India
Jyotirao Phule & the Satyashodhak Movement
Jyotirao Govindrao Phule (1827-1890) is one of the most radical social reformers in Indian history. Born into the Mali (gardener) caste in Maharashtra, he was deeply influenced by Thomas Paine's 'Rights of Man' and the egalitarian ideals of the French and American revolutions. With his wife Savitribai Phule (1831-1897, considered India's first female teacher), he opened schools for untouchables and girls — the first school for untouchable girls was opened in 1848 at Pune, a revolutionary act that led to their ostracism by Pune's Brahmin establishment. Phule founded the Satyashodhak Samaj (Truth-Seeking Society) in 1873, which challenged Brahmanical monopoly over rituals, education, and social status. His ideology: the Brahmanical caste system was an instrument of exploitation imposed on the indigenous people (Shudras and Ati-Shudras) by Aryan invaders; the lower castes were the original inhabitants of India. His key works: Gulamgiri (Slavery, 1873 — dedicated to the Black people of America who had been freed from slavery), Shetkaryacha Asud (The Cultivator's Whipcord — on peasant exploitation), and Sarvajanik Satya Dharma (True Universal Religion). Phule also established an orphanage (1863) to prevent infanticide and supported widow remarriage. Mahatma Gandhi bestowed the title 'Mahatma' on Phule posthumously.
Periyar E.V. Ramasamy & the Self-Respect Movement
Erode Venkatappa Ramasamy (1879-1973), known as Periyar ('The Great One'), was the most influential anti-caste leader of South India. Initially a Congress worker, he left the party in 1925 after experiencing caste discrimination at the Gurukulam (school) run by V.V.S. Iyer at Cheranmahadevi, where Brahmin and non-Brahmin students were seated separately for meals. He founded the Self-Respect Movement (Suyamariyathai Iyakkam) in 1925, advocating rationalism, atheism, women's rights, and the complete abolition of the caste system. He organized the Vaikom Satyagraha (1924-25) in Travancore for the right of lower castes to use roads around the Vaikom Mahadeva Temple. In 1938, he led the Anti-Hindi Agitation in Madras Presidency, opposing the imposition of Hindi. He founded the Dravidar Kazhagam (DK) in 1944, which became the parent organization of the DMK (Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, founded by C.N. Annadurai in 1949). His key ideas: rejection of Brahmanical Hinduism, promotion of Dravidian identity, advocacy of Tamil language and culture, women's liberation (he supported women's property rights, divorce rights, and birth control), and inter-caste marriages. His newspaper Kudi Arasu (Republic) was a powerful tool for social reform. UNESCO named him 'The Prophet of the New Age' in 1970.
Sri Narayana Guru & Kerala Renaissance
Sri Narayana Guru (1856-1928) was the central figure of the Kerala Renaissance — a social and cultural transformation that challenged the extreme caste hierarchy of Kerala, where even the shadow of lower castes was considered polluting (shadow pollution — the Ezhavas had to maintain a distance of 36 feet from Namboodiri Brahmins, Pulayas 96 feet). Born an Ezhava (a caste traditionally denied temple entry), he consecrated a Shiva temple at Aruvippuram in 1899 — a revolutionary act that challenged the Brahmin monopoly on priestly functions. When questioned about his right to consecrate, he famously replied: 'This is not a Brahmin Shiva but an Ezhava Shiva.' His teachings: 'One Caste, One Religion, One God for Man' (Oru Jati, Oru Matam, Oru Daivam Manushyanu) and 'Whatever the religion, it is enough if it makes a better man.' He established the SNDP Yogam (Sri Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam, 1903, with Dr. Palpu and Kumaran Asan) for the social and educational uplift of Ezhavas. He founded educational institutions, factories, and temples open to all castes. He influenced the Vaikom Satyagraha (1924-25) and the Temple Entry Proclamation of Travancore (1936), which opened Hindu temples to all castes. The poet Kumaran Asan and social reformer T.K. Madhavan were his prominent disciples.
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar — Life & Thought
Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (1891-1956) is the foremost architect of Indian social democracy and the annihilation of caste. Born a Mahar (untouchable) in Mhow (Madhya Pradesh), he was one of the first untouchables to earn a college degree in India (Elphinstone College, Bombay). He earned a doctorate from Columbia University (1917, thesis on 'The Evolution of Provincial Finance in British India'), a D.Sc. from London School of Economics, and a Bar-at-Law from Gray's Inn, London — one of the most educated Indians of his era. He founded the Bahishkrit Hitakarini Sabha (1924) for the education and empowerment of Depressed Classes. The Mahad Satyagraha (1927) — where he led thousands to the Chavdar Tale (public tank) in Mahad, Maharashtra, to assert the right to access public water — was a landmark in anti-caste struggle. In December 1927, he publicly burned the Manusmriti, the ancient text codifying caste hierarchies. He published the Mooknayak (1920) and Bahishkrit Bharat (1927) newspapers to articulate Dalit concerns. His foundational text 'Annihilation of Caste' (1936, originally a speech for the Jat-Pat-Todak Mandal of Lahore, which was cancelled because the organizers found the text too radical) remains the most powerful philosophical critique of the caste system — arguing that caste cannot be reformed but must be destroyed, and that this requires the rejection of the religious sanctity of the Shastras.
Ambedkar — Political Struggles & Constitutional Legacy
Ambedkar's political career was marked by his insistence on independent political representation for the Depressed Classes. At the Round Table Conferences (1930-32), he was the sole representative of the untouchables, clashing with Gandhi over the question of separate electorates. The British Communal Award (1932) granted separate electorates to the Depressed Classes — Gandhi opposed this as divisive and undertook a fast-unto-death at Yerwada Jail, Pune. The resulting Poona Pact (September 24, 1932) was a compromise: separate electorates were replaced by reserved seats within joint electorates, with the number of reserved seats increased from 71 (Communal Award) to 148. Ambedkar felt coerced by Gandhi's fast but accepted the pact to save Gandhi's life. He founded the Independent Labour Party (1936), the Scheduled Caste Federation (1942), and the Republican Party of India (1956). As Chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Constituent Assembly (1947-49), he is called the 'Father of the Indian Constitution.' The Constitution abolished untouchability (Article 17), prohibited discrimination on grounds of caste (Article 15), provided for reservations in government jobs (Article 16) and legislatures (Articles 330-332), and included Directive Principles for the welfare of SCs and STs (Article 46). On October 14, 1956, at Deekshabhoomi, Nagpur, Ambedkar converted to Buddhism with approximately 500,000 followers, declaring: 'I do not believe in Brahma, Vishnu, and Mahesh... I do not believe in Rama and Krishna.' He died on December 6, 1956.
Other Caste Reform Leaders & Movements
The anti-caste movement was not limited to a few leaders — it was a widespread social revolution. Narayan Meghaji Lokhande (1848-1897), a Mahar social reformer, organized the first workers' union and campaigned for factory legislation. Vitthal Ramji Shinde (1873-1944) founded the Depressed Classes Mission (1906) in Bombay. Bhagya Reddy Varma (1888-1939) organized the Adi-Hindu movement in Hyderabad, advocating for the original inhabitants' (Dalits') rights. Mangoo Ram (1886-1980) founded the Ad Dharm movement in Punjab (1926), asserting that Dalits were the original inhabitants of India. In South India, Iyothee Thass (1845-1914) founded the Sakya Buddhist Society and reinterpreted Tamil Buddhism as the original religion of Dalits. Ayyankali (1863-1941) of Kerala organized the Pulayas (the lowest caste in Kerala) for education, temple entry, and road access — his Villuvandi (Bullock Cart) agitation (1893) asserted the right of Pulayas to use public roads. In North India, Swami Achhootanand (1879-1933) founded the Adi-Hindu Sabha (1922), claiming that untouchables were the original inhabitants displaced by Aryan invaders. The Mahars' participation in the Battle of Koregaon (1818) became a symbol of Dalit martial pride, celebrated annually on January 1.
Impact & Constitutional Provisions
The caste reform movements achieved transformative results. Legally: the Constitution of India abolished untouchability (Article 17), made the practice of untouchability a cognizable offence (Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955, updated as the SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989), and established reservations for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in education, government employment, and legislatures. Socially: the movements created a powerful Dalit consciousness, challenged the religious legitimacy of caste hierarchy, promoted education among oppressed castes (literacy rates among SCs rose from under 1% in 1901 to over 66% by 2011), and produced a rich tradition of Dalit literature (Dalit Sahitya) — Daya Pawar's Baluta, Omprakash Valmiki's Joothan, Sharankumar Limbale's Akkarmashi. Politically: the movements led to the emergence of Dalit political parties — the Republican Party (Ambedkar), the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP, founded by Kanshi Ram in 1984), and the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK, Tamil Nadu). The Mandal Commission (1980, chaired by B.P. Mandal) recommended 27% reservation for Other Backward Classes (OBCs), implemented in 1990 by V.P. Singh — a direct legacy of the anti-caste movement. Despite constitutional protections, caste-based discrimination persists, and the struggle for social equality continues in contemporary India.
Gandhi vs Ambedkar — The Great Debate on Caste
The ideological clash between Mahatma Gandhi and B.R. Ambedkar represents one of the most profound debates in Indian social and political history. Gandhi's approach: He believed the caste system in its original form (Varnashrama Dharma) was not inherently evil — he opposed untouchability and caste discrimination but not the varna system itself. He preferred reform from within Hinduism, used the term 'Harijan' (Children of God) for untouchables, established the Harijan Sevak Sangh (1932), and worked for temple entry and social integration. He opposed separate electorates for Depressed Classes as divisive, leading to his famous fast-unto-death at Yerwada Jail (1932). Ambedkar's approach: He argued that the caste system was fundamentally oppressive and could not be reformed — it had to be annihilated. He rejected the term 'Harijan' as patronizing (Dalits did not need to be 'adopted' by upper castes). He saw separate electorates as essential for genuine political representation of the oppressed. In 'What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables' (1945), he accused Gandhi and Congress of co-opting the Dalit cause without genuinely challenging caste power. He ultimately rejected Hinduism entirely by converting to Buddhism (1956), declaring that he was born a Hindu but would not die one. The Poona Pact (1932) was the practical resolution of their conflict, but the ideological debate continues to shape Indian politics — the Gandhian approach of reform vs the Ambedkarite approach of structural transformation remains a living question.
The Non-Brahmin Movement in South India
The Non-Brahmin movement was a distinct strand of caste reform that challenged Brahmin hegemony in education, employment, and politics, particularly in South India. The Justice Party (South Indian Liberal Federation) was founded in 1916 by T.M. Nair, P. Thyagaraja Chetty, and C. Natesa Mudaliar — it represented non-Brahmin landed elites and demanded proportional representation in government services, where Brahmins (constituting ~3% of the population in Madras Presidency) held over 70% of positions. The party won the first elections in Madras Presidency (1920) under the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms and introduced communal reservation in government jobs. In Maharashtra, the non-Brahmin movement took shape through Phule's legacy and the Bahujan Samaj concept. Shahu Maharaj of Kolhapur (1874-1922) was a key supporter — he introduced reservation in Kolhapur state as early as 1902, declared 50% reservation for backward communities, supported Phule's Satyashodhak Samaj, and patronized Ambedkar's education abroad. In Mysore, the Miller Committee Report (1918) led to the implementation of communal reservation policies. The entire South Indian experience profoundly influenced the reservation policy later adopted in the Indian Constitution. The Justice Party eventually merged into Periyar's Dravidar Kazhagam (1944), and its political legacy continued through the DMK and AIADMK.
Dalit Literature and Cultural Assertion
The anti-caste movement produced a powerful literary and cultural tradition that challenged mainstream narratives. Phule's Gulamgiri (1873) was the first systematic Dalit critique of Brahmanical hegemony, drawing parallels between Indian caste slavery and American racial slavery. Ambedkar's writings — Annihilation of Caste (1936), The Buddha and His Dhamma (1957, published posthumously), Who Were the Shudras? (1946), The Untouchables (1948), Riddles in Hinduism (unpublished during his lifetime) — constitute the intellectual foundation of Dalit thought. The Dalit Panthers movement (founded in 1972 by Namdeo Dhasal, J.V. Pawar, and Arun Kamble in Maharashtra, inspired by the American Black Panthers) gave impetus to Dalit literature as a formal literary movement. Key Dalit literary works: Daya Pawar's Baluta (Marathi autobiography, 1978), Omprakash Valmiki's Joothan (Hindi autobiography, 1997), Sharankumar Limbale's Akkarmashi (The Outcaste, Marathi, 1984), Bama's Karukku (Tamil autobiography, 1992 — the first Dalit autobiography in Tamil), and Urmila Pawar's Aaydan (The Weave of My Life, Marathi, 2003). Dalit cultural forms include: the Ambedkari jalsa (musical performances celebrating Ambedkar and Phule), Budhan Theatre (Gujarat, focusing on Denotified Tribes), and the Elgar Parishad gatherings. Dalit publications like the Dalit Voice (founded by V.T. Rajshekar, 1981) provided media platforms. The Dalit literary movement asserts that lived experience of caste oppression is itself a valid form of knowledge and challenges the aesthetic assumptions of upper-caste literary traditions.
Women in the Anti-Caste Movement
Women played crucial but often overlooked roles in the anti-caste movement. Savitribai Phule (1831-1897) is the pioneering figure — she taught at the first school for untouchable girls (1848), faced physical attacks (people threw stones and dung at her), ran a care center for pregnant Brahmin widows to prevent infanticide, and led relief work during the plague of 1897 (during which she died). Ramabai Ranade (1862-1924), wife of Justice M.G. Ranade, established the Hindu Ladies' Social Club (1884) and worked for women's education. Pandita Ramabai (1858-1922) — a remarkable Sanskrit scholar from a Brahmin family — founded the Mukti Mission for child widows and destitute women; her book 'The High Caste Hindu Woman' (1887, published in the US) exposed the oppression of Indian women. Tarabai Shinde (1850-1910) wrote Stri Purush Tulana (A Comparison of Women and Men, 1882) — considered India's first feminist text, arguing that women's oppression was not natural but socially constructed through patriarchal religion. Muktabai, a 14-year-old student at Phule's school, wrote an essay (1855) on the oppression of Mahars and Mangs — one of the earliest Dalit feminist writings. In Kerala, Nangeli (early 19th century) reportedly cut off her breasts to protest the 'breast tax' imposed on lower-caste women — this event (though debated by historians) symbolizes the extreme caste-gender oppression in Kerala society. Dr. Ambedkar consistently emphasized women's rights — the Hindu Code Bill (introduced in 1951, partly enacted in 1955-56) sought to give women property rights, divorce rights, and inheritance rights against conservative Hindu opposition.
The Temple Entry Movement
The temple entry movement was a crucial aspect of the anti-caste struggle, particularly in South India where caste restrictions were most severe. The Vaikom Satyagraha (1924-25) in Travancore (Kerala) was the first organized temple entry agitation — it demanded the right of lower castes to use public roads around the Vaikom Mahadeva Temple. Led initially by T.K. Madhavan (a disciple of Sri Narayana Guru), it attracted support from Congress leaders, Periyar (who earned the title 'Vaikom Veeran'), and eventually Gandhi, who negotiated a compromise that opened three of the four approach roads. The Guruvayur Satyagraha (1931-32), led by K. Kelappan, demanded temple entry at the famous Guruvayur Krishna Temple — Gandhi mediated but the temple was not opened until the Temple Entry Proclamation of 1936. The Temple Entry Proclamation of Travancore (November 12, 1936) was a historic declaration by Maharaja Chithira Thirunal opening all Hindu temples in Travancore to all castes — Gandhi called it 'the greatest event of the century.' The Kalaram Temple Movement (1930) in Nasik, Maharashtra, led by Ambedkar, demanded entry for untouchables into the Kalaram (Black Rama) Temple — the satyagraha continued for years but the temple authorities resisted. This failure contributed to Ambedkar's decision to leave Hinduism entirely. The Madras Temple Entry Authorization Act (1947) and the Constitution (Article 25(2)(b)) empowered the state to throw open Hindu temples to all classes and sections of Hindus.
Backward Classes Movement and the Mandal Commission
The backward classes movement extended caste reform beyond Dalits (Scheduled Castes) to encompass the vast population of Other Backward Classes (OBCs). The First Backward Classes Commission (Kaka Kalelkar Commission, 1953) identified 2,399 backward castes but its recommendations were not implemented due to lack of consensus. The Second Backward Classes Commission (Mandal Commission, 1978-80, chaired by B.P. Mandal) was the watershed moment — it estimated that OBCs constituted approximately 52% of India's population, recommended 27% reservation in central government services and public sector undertakings, and identified 3,743 castes as OBCs. The report was tabled in Parliament in 1980 but not implemented until August 7, 1990, when Prime Minister V.P. Singh announced its implementation. This triggered massive anti-reservation protests across North India — self-immolations by upper-caste students (Rajiv Goswami's self-immolation in Delhi became iconic), violent protests, and political upheaval. The Indra Sawhney v. Union of India case (1992, 'Mandal case') upheld the constitutionality of OBC reservations but imposed a 50% ceiling on total reservations, excluded the 'creamy layer' (economically advanced OBCs) from reservation benefits, and established the principle that reservations should not exceed 50% (though Tamil Nadu's 69% reservation was protected by the Ninth Schedule). The 93rd Constitutional Amendment (2005) enabled OBC reservations in private unaided educational institutions. The OBC reservation has transformed Indian politics — caste identity became central to political mobilization, and parties like the SP (Samajwadi Party) and RJD (Rashtriya Janata Dal) built their base on OBC politics.
The Ad Dharm and Adi-Hindu Movements
Several movements in North India asserted that Dalits were the original inhabitants (Adi — original) of India, dispossessed by Aryan invaders. The Adi-Hindu Sabha was founded by Swami Achhootanand (1879-1933) in 1922 in the United Provinces — it claimed that untouchables were the original inhabitants of India (Adi-Hindus or Mool Bhartiya) who were conquered and enslaved by Aryan invaders and turned into 'untouchables.' This interpretation drew on Phule's thesis and rejected Brahmanical Hinduism while asserting a pre-Aryan indigenous identity. In Punjab, Mangoo Ram (1886-1980) founded the Ad Dharm movement in 1926 — it asserted that Dalits of Punjab (primarily Chamars and Chuhras) were not Hindus, Sikhs, or Muslims but belonged to an original religion (Ad Dharm). The movement was politically significant: in the 1931 census, ~418,000 people in Punjab registered themselves as 'Ad Dharmi.' In South India, Iyothee Thass (1845-1914) founded the Sakya Buddhist Society in Madras (1898), arguing that Tamil Dalits were originally Buddhists who were forced into untouchability after the Brahmanical revival. His journal Tamizhan (later Oru Paisa Tamizhan) articulated a Buddhist-Dravidian identity for Tamil Dalits. These Adi movements were important precursors to Ambedkar's neo-Buddhist movement and continue to influence Dalit identity politics.
Post-Independence Dalit Politics and Contemporary Movements
After independence, the anti-caste movement evolved from social reform into electoral politics and rights-based activism. Ambedkar founded the Republican Party of India (1956, days before his death) as the political vehicle for Dalits. The Dalit Panthers (1972, Maharashtra) modeled on the American Black Panthers, radicalized Dalit youth through literature and street protests — founders Namdeo Dhasal, J.V. Pawar, and Arun Kamble. Kanshi Ram (1934-2006) founded the All India Backward and Minority Communities Employees Federation (BAMCEF, 1978), followed by the Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti (DS-4, 1981), and finally the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP, 1984) — the first political party to achieve state power on a Dalit platform (Uttar Pradesh, with Mayawati as Chief Minister: 1995, 1997, 2002, 2007). Kanshi Ram's innovation was the 'social engineering' strategy of building a coalition of Dalits, OBCs, and Muslims. The Khairlanji massacre (2006, Maharashtra — four members of a Dalit family lynched), the Una flogging incident (2016, Gujarat — Dalits beaten for skinning dead cattle), and the Bhima-Koregaon violence (2018, Maharashtra) demonstrate that caste violence persists in contemporary India. The Rohith Vemula suicide (2016, University of Hyderabad) — a Dalit PhD student who died by suicide after institutional discrimination — became a national flashpoint for Dalit rights in higher education. The Supreme Court's dilution of the SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act (2018, later reversed by Parliament) sparked massive nationwide protests, showing the continued political mobilization around caste issues.
Exam Significance & Key Points
UPSC Prelims frequently tests: matching reformers with their organizations and movements (Phule-Satyashodhak Samaj, Ambedkar-Mahad Satyagraha/Annihilation of Caste, Periyar-Self-Respect Movement, Sri Narayana Guru-SNDP Yogam, Ayyankali-Villuvandi agitation), the Poona Pact provisions (1932 — reserved seats in joint electorates replacing separate electorates), Constitutional articles on untouchability abolition (Article 17) and reservations (Articles 15, 16, 46, 330-332), and chronological ordering of events. Multi-statement questions often test whether Phule was influenced by Thomas Paine (True), whether the Self-Respect Movement was founded by Ambedkar (False — Periyar), and whether the Mahad Satyagraha was for temple entry (False — public water access). UPSC Mains GS-I asks about the significance of anti-caste movements in modern India, the role of Phule and Ambedkar in Indian social reform, and comparison of different reform approaches (Gandhian reform vs Ambedkarite annihilation). SSC/RRB test basic associations: Ambedkar-Constitution, Phule-Gulamgiri, Periyar-Self-Respect Movement.
Relevant Exams
High-priority for UPSC Prelims — Ambedkar's contributions, Poona Pact, Constitutional provisions on caste, and matching reformers with movements appear regularly. UPSC Mains GS-I and GS-II frequently ask analytical questions on the social reform tradition and its impact on Indian democracy. SSC/RRB focus on Ambedkar as the Father of the Constitution and basic reformer-movement matching.